The Laskar Jihad

From January 1999 to April 2000, Muslims and Christians fought locally largely on an equal basis. However, from April -June 2000 well-organized Muslims militias began to gain an upper hand, accompanied by the arrival in Maluku of the Java-based Laskar Jihad (the “army of holy war”), a radical and military-trained Muslim organization allegedly with sympathizers and arms suppliers in the army.
Between 26 December 1999 and 1 January 2000, a massacre took place of at least 500 of the Muslim minority in Halmahera island’s Tobelo District, just north of Kao. More than 10,000 Muslims were forced to leave the district by the local Christians. The massacre of Muslims in Tobelo led in on 7 January to a protest in Jakarta by over 100,000 Muslims calling for jihad in order to save the Maluku Muslims. The protestors were supported by prominent politicians such as Amien Rais, speaker of the People’s Consultative Assembly, MPR. A few militias formed, but the April creation of the Laskar Jihad, led by Jaffar Umar Thalib, a charismatic preacher and veteran of the Afghan-Soviet war, had the greatest impact. Thalib’s goal is for Islamic law to become paramount throughout Indonesia. His supporters have coordinated their efforts with Muslim militias in Ternate in North Maluku.
In June 2000, two thousand Laskar Jihad members arrived from Java and South Sulawesi. The militia was allegedly responsible for most of the bloodshed during this period, as acknowledged by Abdurrahman Wahid during his time as president. Unlike those who had previously engaged in spontaneous rioting and violence, the militias is said to follow a carefully planned campaign, moving from village to village and using the threat of more killing to clear out enclaves.
There is no Christian equivalent of Laskar Jihad, but there are plenty of bloodthirsty elements on both sides. A Christian gang called 'Coker' in Ambon is led by Agus Wattimena, who has stated his wish to “wipe out” the Muslims.

The FKM

Soon after the arrival of the Laskar Jihad in Maluku, the largely Christian Maluku Sovereignty Front (FKM) formed in October 2000. The FKM’s stated aim is to foster unity among Maluku residents based on their common ancestry and assert Maluku’s independence from the national government. Their rationale for secession is the government’s inability to protect the residents from violence. However, the FKM’s connections with the Republic of South Maluku (RMS) have damaged its credibility as a non-partisan source of conflict resolution.

The role of the government and the military

In general, the Indonesian military has for many years enjoyed a Dwifungsi, or “dual function” status, whereby it acts as a separate body, and a part of the government, at the same time. Some analysts have suggested that, not surprisingly this system lends itself to abuse of power.
It has been claimed that certain elements in the military may have helped to stir up this conflict in an effort to discredit civilian rule and democracy. Some also have alleged that troops have taken sides during some of the conflict, including in the form of providing arms and ammunition to those whom they support on both sides and even providing them with cover fire.
Other evidence put forward by some has included the presence of “provocateur” activity including the simultaneous and “coordinated” nature of many of the attacks which also coincided with increased calls for investigation into Suharto-related corruption Government efforts to stop the violence included the declaration of a state of emergency in Maluku on 27 June 2000. The government also admitted publicly that many of the soldiers in Maluku were “emotionally involved” in the conflict, and replaced 1400 soldiers there.
After a lull, attacks began at the end of September 2000, and sporadic fighting continued through December 2000, allegedly largely orchestrated by the Laskar Jihad which has not been disarmed or removed from the Maluku region due to fears of the political consequences of opposing a pro-Muslim force.
Meanwhile, Speaker of the Parliament, Amien Rais, publicly supported the idea of a jihad in Maluku. In September 2000, Thalib made an incendiary speech and met with the governor and local police chief. They did not arrest him, and the fighting began again two weeks later.
Many have suggested that, meanwhile, much of the military continues to profit from the present situation of unrest. In addition to sectarian loyalties, many soldiers support the fighting because the status quo is lucrative. In the atmosphere of chaos, they may gain from protection rackets, or unofficial customs duties. Often, they charge civilians money for protecting them from attacks.